Assam’s BJP Walks a Dual Line: Public Hostility Toward ‘Miyas’, Quiet Courtship of Other Minority Voters

In a political season defined by sharp rhetoric and calibrated outreach, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has delivered one of the most polarizing lines of the 2026 campaign: “Till my CM-ship, Miya is my main target. I will not give them peace.”

The remark, referencing Bengal-origin Muslim communities often at the center of Assam’s identity debates, has become a flashpoint across the state’s political landscape. But behind the charged declaration lies a quieter, more complex political maneuver by the governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

While Sarma frames the election around ethnic protection and cultural nationalism, internal party directives reviewed by this newspaper indicate that the BJP’s minority outreach wing is instructing district-level workers to identify and mobilize non-Miya minority voters — including tea-garden Christian communities and Muslims from other Indian states, such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Bengal.

This contrast — a combative public posture toward one section of Muslims and a discreet effort to court others — has become central to the BJP’s election strategy in Assam.

A Public Message for the Majority

Sarma’s comments arrive amid a campaign where identity, land, and demographic anxieties dominate. His remarks are calibrated to reinforce the BJP’s core message: that the government is the principal defender of Assamese identity against cultural and demographic change.

The Chief Minister’s language is aimed at energizing the party’s majority base, analysts say, particularly in Upper Assam, where anti-Miya sentiment has historically shaped electoral behavior.

“The message is designed to project firmness,” said a political researcher at Gauhati University. “It sends a signal that the government will stay uncompromising on issues of identity.”

A Quiet Ground Campaign Among Other Minorities

Yet even as Sarma intensifies his criticism of Miya groups, the party machinery is engaged in a parallel operation.

Internal instructions circulated through the BJP’s Minority Morcha and organizational arms urge worker units to:

map out tea-garden Christian households in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Golaghat, Sonitpur, and Biswanath;

engage with migrant Muslim traders and workers not connected to the Miya identity;

identify Assamese-speaking Muslim families who may be receptive to development-focused messaging.

Tea-garden Christian communities, many of whom rely on state welfare programs, are increasingly seen as politically fluid. Non-Assamese Muslims, many engaged in business and industry, often prioritize stability over ethnic politics — making them potential swing voters.

Field reports suggest these groups are being courted through welfare networks, local intermediaries, and micro-level booth outreach far removed from the tone of statewide campaign speeches.

“This is classic electoral segmentation,” said a senior election observer. “Polarization for the headline, quiet coalition-building for the numbers.”

Rivals Accuse BJP of Double Standards

Opposition parties allege that the BJP is running a “two-faced” campaign — demonizing one section of Muslims while simultaneously seeking support from others.

Congress leaders claim that the tactic is designed to fracture the minority vote while presenting the BJP as the sole defender of Assamese interests.

The AIUDF, which draws support predominantly from Miya-majority districts, has accused the Chief Minister of “institutionalizing discrimination” for political gain.

BJP officials dispute these claims. A senior party strategist, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the party merely “distinguishes between communities who integrate with Assamese society and those who challenge it.”

A Risky Calculation

The BJP’s dual-track approach carries political risks. Overreach in rhetoric may alienate sections of non-Miya Muslims or tea-belt Christians, especially younger voters. But party leaders appear confident that controlled messaging can maintain separation between the two narratives.

Few other parties in Assam possess the BJP’s combination of statewide organization and micro-level voter-mapping capacity, giving the ruling party a structural advantage as the election approaches.

For now, Sarma continues to set the tone with provocative statements aimed squarely at the Miya community — even as his party works the quieter corners of Assam’s complex demographic landscape.

The real test will come next spring, when voters decide whether this two-track strategy can deliver the BJP another term — or whether the contradictions within it prove too sharp to sustain.