The “Third Party” in Assam Politics: From Agitation Myth to Eviction War Cry

The political phrase “third party,” once a convenient shield during the turbulent Assam Movement (1979–1985), has resurfaced in a new avatar under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. What was once a rhetorical escape route has now become a political war cry, weaponized against activists, lawyers, and intellectuals opposing the government’s controversial eviction drives.

Historical Origins

During the six-year Assam agitation, marked by widespread protests against illegal immigration, leaders routinely blamed a mysterious “third party” for incidents of violence, arson, or political attacks. The term served as a protective myth: an unseen hand conveniently invoked to distance the movement from any disrepute.

Even after the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985 and the rise of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) under Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, the phrase lingered. In a candid moment, when cabinet minister Bharat Narah was asked about identifying this so-called “third party,” his wife Rani Narah quipped, “It will take time, as we are new in power.” The remark exposed the hollowness of the claim—the “third party” was more excuse than reality.

Sarma’s Reframing

Four decades later, Sarma has turned the phrase on its head. Instead of a shadowy, undefined entity, he openly names those he accuses of meddling in Assam’s affairs. For him, the “third party” is a set of “outside activists, lawyers, and intellectuals” who, under the banner of rights advocacy, challenge his government’s eviction policies.

This marks a decisive shift from the AGP years. The “third party” is no longer a mythical scapegoat but a political enemy, clearly identified and castigated in the public arena.

The Named Critics

Among those Sarma has targeted are:

Prashant Bhushan, senior advocate, who accused the CM of “lawless and illegal activities” in conducting evictions without rehabilitation.

Harsh Mander, activist and ex-bureaucrat, long associated with rights campaigns.

Wajahat Habibullah, former Chief Information Commissioner.

Syeda Hameed, former Planning Commission member and activist.

Jawhar Sircar, ex-bureaucrat and now opposition MP.

These figures have visited eviction sites, interacted with affected communities, and flagged alleged human rights violations. While Sarma sees them as orchestrators of an “anti-Assam lobby,” they insist their interventions are solidarity-driven and rooted in constitutional rights.

Evictions and the Political Stakes

The flashpoint remains Assam’s eviction drives, projected by the government as a mission to reclaim vast tracts of “illegally encroached” land. Key developments include:

Margherita Eviction Plans: Meant to secure land for indigenous groups such as Moran, Matak, Ahom, Koch Rajbongshi, and Gorkha communities, coupled with proposals to delete “encroachers” from voter rolls.

Ongoing Statewide Drives: A fraction of the estimated 10 lakh acres of alleged encroachment has been cleared so far.

Criticism: Opponents argue that minorities bear the brunt, with evictions often executed without rehabilitation, amounting to demographic engineering.

Political Voices of Opposition

Prashant Bhushan has warned that tribal lands are being diverted for corporate gain, while Congress leaders Ripun Bora, Debabrata Saikia, and Gaurav Gogoi accuse the government of violating Supreme Court guidelines and weaponizing eviction against minorities. Gogoi even vowed that “lands illegally owned by the CM and his ministers will be redistributed” if Congress returns to power.

From Myth to Mobilization

By naming critics, Sarma has repurposed the “third party” into a mobilizing tool for Assamese nationalism. It now embodies the clash between:

Politics: Assamese self-assertion versus external scrutiny.

Religion: Polarization and demographic anxieties.

Citizenship: The unresolved legacy of the NRC and the Accord.

Migration: Persistent fears of cross-border influx.

Identity: The battle over who defines Assam’s future.

The Long Arc

From Bharat Narah’s evasive silence in 1985 to Sarma’s blunt accusations in 2025, the evolution of the “third party” reflects Assam’s changing political grammar. What began as a myth of convenience has hardened into a polarizing battle cry—signaling a state caught between its unresolved past, its turbulent present, and an uncertain future.